Where is the Oromo Youth? – Opinion

By Siiban Abbichuu
There is no doubt that the youth has a heavy responsibility in determining the future fate of its society. Especially in nations like the Oromo, which is still under tyranny, the role of the youth is the most important. As it is very clear for most of us, nowadays, the participation of the Oromo youth in the political leadership areas is not satisfactory. When I compare the activities of the Oromo youth in the 1960s-1970s with those of the nowadays, I become worrisome. One may surprisingly ask me about this. ‘What do you mean? Why do you become worrisome? What about all the Oromo students protest across Ethiopian universities, colleges and high schools? What about all the Fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa in Oromia? Why do you forget all the sacrifices paid by the Oromo youth, especially, since the beginning of this millennium?’


Of course, these are important questions that should be raised here. And, the answer goes: ‘Yes, of course, all the mentioned activities of the Oromo youth are as they are. History has been recording all the heroic roles of the Oromo students of yesterday to today. The immense nationalism of the Qubee Generation is believed to be as a guarantee for the future self-governing of the Oromo nation and, at the same time, it is a higher threat to the enemy.’ I do not want to discredit the role of the new young generation. The author of this article himself is in the beginning of thirties. I believe that the Oromo youth can be effectively mobilized in the right direction of the struggle under a brilliant political leadership that will be emerged from the youth itself.

My concern is not about being mobilized by someone. It is about empowering the youth itself to enable it mobilize the whole nation. Let me try to compare the situation with the truth of the old days. As everybody knows, the Oromo youth in the 60s-70s was self-united, self-organized, and self-mobilized. In other words, it can be said it was SELF-EMPOWERED. In fact, here, I don’t want to forget the movement under the Matcha-Tulama Self-Help Association and the Bale Oromo Uprisings of that time. However, the association was no longer operating its duty. It was banned after a few years of socio-political movement. The Bale Oromo Uprisings under the Oromo hero, General Waqo Gutu, also failed due to lack of modern organization at that time. The students of that time had no senior intellectuals to take as role models in their political movement of building modern nationalism. There was no such career among the elders. We can say that the birth of the modern Oromo nationalism was the Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) University in 1960s-70s. Not only for Oromo, but also for those old politicians of TPLF and the ‘Ethiopians’ (Amharas) of nowadays, Finfinnee University was the birth place of modern politics at the same time. During the struggle against the feudal regime under the slogan of ‘Land to the Tillers’, the students movement was at its peak.

In that historical movement, the role of Oromo students was also a shining one. Young students of the time, such as Baaroo Tumsaa, Magarsaa Barii, Lencho Lata, Hayle Fida (from abroad) and many others, were the rising stars in Oromo and Ethiopian politics. Especially, Hayle Fida and Baro Tumsa were the young icons, not only in Oromo, but also in the whole Ethiopian politics. Baro Tumsa was the organizer of the historical mass movement under the slogan of ‘Land to the Tillers’ in 1965. He was also the founder of the organization Struggle of Ethiopian Oppressed Forces (ECHEHAT) in 1975. The other Oromo star, Hayle Fida, was the founder of MEISON, the first opposition political organization in Ethiopia in the early of 1960s. MEISON was the organization that believed in self-determination and genuine ethnic-based federalism. Hayle was also the first Oromo intellectual who made meaningful research on the importance of Latin alphabet (QUBEE) to use in Afan Oromo.

Even though the trend of the Oromo nationalism among Oromo students at that time had a little bit ideological differences, over all, the beginning was smart. It was historic time because of many victories recorded by the youth: the Oromo nationals from West to East, North to South as well as Central, were able to introduce themselves to each other that they were of ONE NATION. They heard the sweet dialects of their common language, Afan Oromo, for the first time. They addressed each other that their people were under tyranny, and they needed to be free by any mechanism. Thus, that youth generation embarked on the struggle against tyranny through establishing political organizations with few fellow non-Oromo politicians. Organizations like, the All Ethiopian Socialist Movement [MEISON], the Ethiopian National Liberation Front [ENLF], the Struggle of Ethiopian Oppressed Forces [ECHEHAT], and finally, the Oromo Liberation Front [OLF], were emerged by the Oromo youth of that time. Although the former three organizations had not played meaningful roles through peaceful struggle under the dictatorial regime, they paid unforgettable sacrifices to address the true cause of the struggle of the Oromo nation as well as other oppressed peoples. That brave Oromo youth generation was an evidence to convince everybody that Oromo intellectuals were not ‘narrow politicians’ by nature, as many anti-Oromo forces try to criticize today. Those brilliant members of the Oromo youth endeavored to look for solution under the name ‘Ethiopia’, but in vain. It was after demolition and ban of those three organizations that the OLF decided to strengthen itself and to engage in the armed struggle under the bold name OROMO. All these are historical roles of the youth of the 60s-70s.

Advantages of Nowadays for the Youth

As the time between now and then is too long, the youth of the past time and the present day have some differences. Today, there are so many advantages for the youth as technology grows faster and access of social infrastructures has increased. Let me mention few:

The number of Oromo students in higher educational levels in the past time was very limited. May be there were few hundreds. Today, there are hundreds of thousands of Oromo students in higher educational levels and graduate civil servants. No lack of educated manpower today when compared with yesterday.
There were no different kinds of fast means of communication during that time. Thus, it was too difficult to contact people from around the country as fast as possible. Today, there are fast communication technologies, such as email, online chats, mobile phone and SMS.
Awareness of nationalism in the Oromo society was very limited in the past time. Oromo nationals who could introduce themselves that they were OROMO were very few. The rest used to express themselves using the regional names given to them by the oppressors, not the original name, Oromo. Some others even used to tell the religion they belonged to as an ethnic identity, i.e. instead of saying ‘I am an Oromo’, they would say ‘I am a Muslim’, ‘I am a Christian’, etc. However, today every Oromo national, be it in urban or rural areas, can simply express his/herself as an Oromo. That means, now it is not as difficult as those old days to agitate the Oromo people to fight for their rights.
In 1960s-70s there was no Oromo community in Diaspora. Today, there are thousands of Diaspora Oromo nationals in different corners of the world. Exchange of ideas, financial supports and addressing the Oromo cause to the international community by means of demonstrations, writing letters and petitions are advantages of these days.
During the old days, the international community had not addressed the Oromo question. Most had no idea even what the name ‘Oromo’ did mean. Today, the world, especially the Westerns at least, simply understand who the Oromo is and what the cause of their struggle is.
In addition to these, the new generation is lucky for two big reasons:

First, the youth is not beginning the struggle from zero point. There are some victories that have been gained by our elders. The question is now, how to pursue the way that has already been paved by our hero elders. It is the question of how to finalize the already started struggle.

Second, the five-point advantages mentioned above would strengthen and sharpen the role of this generation. For example, the report of student protests of Finfinnee University at the beginning of the 1970s might take many days to be heard in Jimma or Diredawa. But today, such news can simply be reported live to the whole world using modern technologies. The young generation should be able to use these advantages meaningfully. The five-point advantages of our time must be means of acceleration for the journey of the struggle.

Generally speaking, I can say that carrying out the Oromo political struggle in today’s world is not as difficult as the old days, because of the above mentioned advantages. However, unfortunately, our goal is still not reached. There is lack of best efficiency among our elites. So, what is the solution for this problem? Let me try to state some ‘change agents’ to overcome the lack of efficiency.

1. The Youth Must Take the Responsibility

As I stated in the first and second paragraphs of this piece, even today, our youth is the main actor in the struggle of the Oromo nation against tyranny. However, participating in the struggle in certain numbers is still not enough. To succeed, more activities are needed. The youth must also be able to call on for struggle, not only be called upon to participate in the struggle. That means, it ought to take over almost all the responsibilities of the struggle. Since they have better chance to be aware of the meaning and need of Oromo nationalism just starting form their childhood, (as most of them are Qubee Generation), they must be ready to take over the burden of the struggle that their elders should transfer to them. The youth must be able to responsibly determine the means of the struggle that match this era, including making the vision clear. The main thing that damages the Oromo struggle now is the separation of the diaspora-based armed and homeland-based peaceful struggles. In other words, the problem is the lack of coalition between the ‘banned’ OLF and the ‘legal’ Oromo parties that work under the constitution of the regime. This separation must come to an end. I hope the potential power, the youth, can do it by any means!

2. The Older Should Raise the Younger Seedlings

It is well known that most of our political leaders are over 60 years of age now. In fact, this truth is not only for Oromo, but also for all Ethiopian politicians. The older leaders, who have emerged from the 1960s-70s movements, are still giving leadership. These old men are nationalists; they were born in the Cold War era. Thus, they may still have Marxist-Leninist tendency in some degrees. In this case, the TPLF regime is now busy to raise young politicians, who are going to take over its dictatorial regime as it is, in the next five years. The so called ‘Revolutionary Democracy’ is the main lesson in youth training for Wayyanes. Here, I have some questions regarding our elder politicians, especially the OLF leaders. What are they doing at this juncture? Don’t they want potential youth politicians to take over the burden of the leadership? Do they want to give leadership till the end of their lives? Are they ‘power’ ambitious? What is the gap between the old leadership and the youth? What is our true ideology today? What kind of democracy do we pursue? When the Marxist-Leninist Wayane discovers a fake ideology (the so called ‘Revolutionary Democracy’) as a means to stay in power, what are we thinking about ourselves? Is the ideological differences between the two (Marxist-Leninist-oriented old and Democratic-oriented youth) irreconcilable in Oromo politics? Why does the youth (including those elected as CC members) leave the struggle after working in OLF for very short time? Does the youth lack commitment to push the struggle? Is the struggle of the Oromo for self-determination boring? … I think these are very important questions that need answers. All those to whom the questions concern should speak out here.

3. ‘All that Glitters is Not Gold’

Our elder politicians have paid many sacrifices to enable the struggle reach this stage. They lived, not for themselves, but for the need of their people. They have historical roles in bringing the Oromo people to the brighter today. So they deserve great respect. However, as they have honorable identities that we proud of, they have also a little bit weaknesses. Regionalism is one of the problems that has emerged with our elders. The youth should ruthlessly be able to bring this shameful tendency to an end. The era of regionalism should come to an end through a radical change by the youth. All political characteristics of the elders need not pass on to the young generation. Negative and positive aspects should be carefully identified. All that glitters is not gold. The youth should take over the golden identities of their elders, and burn out the useless and harmful ones. It is time to say no! for regionalism viruses. The youth need not choose the either side of QC, Shanee or Jijjiirama. It must work hard to melt all these factions together.

4. The Need for Youth Political Icons

In every political struggle there is a need for iconic leaders. In 1960s-70s, youth leaders like Hayle Fida and Baro Tumsa were political icons among the Oromo as well as Ethiopian political societies. Obbo Lencho Lata was/is the political icon of Oromo politics until recent times. Who is the youth icon today?? Who is Lencho Senior of today? Who is Hayle Fida of these days? Who is our Baro Tumsa of now? I can’t see the boldest name among our elites, particularly in the youth. However, I believe that youth politicians like Jawar Siraj Mohammed might be the hope in the future. Certainly, Jawar is a rising star Oromo young man of this time. Everybody should say him ‘Guddadhu Jawaaroo!’ But such activities should not be limited in the Diaspora. I need to see more Jawar’s in our homeland youth.

There is some things that should be taken into account when we talk about the need for icons. To rise as an icon means is not to engage in negative competitions. The youth should compete with their praised roles in the quest for freedom and democracy. It is the people that judge who is better than who, or who is the best of all. The Oromo struggle for freedom and democracy needs an Oromo Mandela, Gandhi, ML King or Obama!

* The author, Siiban Abbichuu, can be reached at abbichuuu@gmail.com

Oromo: Reconciliation We Believe In

The following statement is from the Oromo Forum for Dialogue and Reconciliation (OFDR).

The current political atmosphere in the Oromo liberation camp is positive and encouraging in that efforts are under way by the Oromo political leaders, intellectuals and elders to come together for a dialogue and reconciliation. These efforts are inspiring and commendable as they increase significantly the opportunity to resolve the problems that have hampered the Oromo political struggle for years, restore hopes, revitalize the struggle, and boost the morale of members, supporters and the Oromo mass at large. Let alone the action, the talk of such efforts will send a shiver down the spine of the enemies of the Oromo people.


The recent heightened dialogues among the three factions of the Oromo Liberation Front (Shanee, Jijjiirama and QC) and the Press Release issued by two of the three factions (Jijjiirama and QC) on 31 March 2010 fill the Oromo nationalists with great sense of enthusiasm for the simple reason that the hope of the Oromo people for liberation has always risen and fallen with the political and military fortune of this organization. The symbolic nature of the OLF in the struggle against the Abyssinian colonial rule means that the hearts and minds of the Oromo people follow this organization and makes it so much hard hitherto for any other organizations to dent its dominance.

OFDR believes that the privileges afforded to the OLF by the Oromo people makes it also incumbent upon the leaders, members and supporters of the various factions of this organization to continue with the process of dialogue no matter how hard and bitter it is to confront the past intrigues and misgivings perpetrated by most players in an effort to climb the ladder of power and/or advance the cause of the Oromo people. It is essential to note that the overarching principle to be observed at all times in this tumultuous process is the cause of serving the interest of the Oromo people, Bilisumma.

By the same token the recent announcement made by three Oromo political organizations, namely, Front for Independent Democratic Oromiyaa (FIDO), United Oromo People’s Liberation Front (UOPLF), and the Council of Oromiyaa People’s Liberation Front (COPLF) to transform and operate as one, under United Liberation Forces of Oromiyaa (ULFO), having one political program, constitution, and leadership is a positive step that should be applauded by all of us.

OFDR fully supports the action taken by FIDO, UOPLF and COPLF to reconstitute ULFO as a single entity and their call “for the realization of the organizational and leadership transformation best fashioned for the 21st Century Oromo national liberation struggle and for the unity of purpose among Oromo political forces to crystallize, and the liberation struggle to intensify and bring about the demise of the Abyssinian colonial system.” The action taken by ULFO should be seen as an exemplary step to be followed in the Oromo liberation camp that suffers from internal conflict.

From various sources we hear that there are views and positions held by various factional leaders of the OLF. However, these should be secondary and sacrificed for the sake of achieving true reconciliation in the OLF and the Oromo liberation camp without further damaging the unity and interest of the Oromo people. OFDR understands that there are reasonable arguments being mounted against reconciliation because:

1) Ordinary members and supporters of each and every faction wonder what has changed overnight given their experience of the tactics deployed and propaganda used by various factional leaders in the recent past. To them, nothing has changed except the mood of their leaders. Without a proper communication and clarification of the challenges facing the Oromo liberation movement, it is possible that members and supporters remain disenfranchised.

2) There are doubts whether the same old guards that could not achieve much in the past can do better in the future by simply mending their differences due to some external pressure or public demand. Reconciliation without a fundamental reform means nothing as far as the liberation movement is concerned.

3) To a lesser extent, there are also some concerns that the current reconciliation process lacks transparency, and it is driven by a group of individuals who has a vested interest in its outcome and the future direction of the Oromo liberation movement. To address this concern, the reconciliation process should be transparent and independent of vested interest.

It is OFDR’s firm belief that without a principled negotiation and true reconciliation:

1) It is not possible, in the short to medium term, for any one faction to be able to mobilize the Oromo people in unison against strong and experienced political foes.

2) It is hard to win the trust of all sectors of the Oromo people dented as a direct result of the means employed by various factional leaders to garner support and establish their power base.

3) The best alternative to a negotiated agreement that each faction possesses is not different from the current crippled state of political and military fortune least enjoyed by all Oromo nationalists.

If handled carefully, reconciliation in the Oromo liberation camp does not result in a zero-sum game, and all stakeholders can achieve a win-win situation by following the strategic interests of the Oromo people. It will be disastrous to resist reconciliation by dwelling on the past mistakes and presenting conditions perceived to serve as strategies designed to create winners and losers. Our leaders need not live in a constant fear of tumbling over and over the same hurdles again, and be courageous to embrace reconciliation based on honesty, transparency, integrity and objectivity expected of them in order to achieve the objectives of the Oromo national liberation movement.

OFDR takes this opportunity to urge all Oromo political and civic organisations to co-operate with each other in line with the Oromo Gadaa values to create a conducive environment for transformation and success now. It is critical that all leaders demonstrate to the Oromo mass that they are serious, sincere and committed to the best interest of the Oromo people.

OFDR also calls upon the members and supporters of various factions and organizations to exert a positive influence on their leaders to look for reasons that can achieve reconciliation in the liberation camp.

Reconciliation we believe in should involve a roadmap that clearly addresses the critical issues raised by all stakeholders, aims at advancing the interest of the Oromo people and facilitating the achievement of the objectives of the Oromo liberation movement.

Oromia Shall Be Free!

The Oromo Forum for Dialogue and Reconciliation (OFDR)
15 May 2010

Let’s say Oromai to the System of Domination in Oromia and Ethiopia/the Horn (By Fayyis Oromia)

I wish that it would be now the right time for the Oromo people in particular, and for all oppressed nations in the empire in general, including the oppressed mass in Amharia and Tigrai, to say Oromai (it is an end or is completed) after their struggle for more than a century against the Abyssinian nafxenya’s system of domination. We are now at the crossroad to get rid of the current oppressors, the Weyane neo-nefxenyas, and to move forward towards the liberty of citizens and the freedom of nations as well as to the multinational democracy, including the self-rule of nations in the empire. Simply put, we are on the verge of dismantling the empire’s system of domination in order to build a genuine union of free nations.


Recently, a blogger, Derese Getachew, on the newly started website of the online Addis Neger came up with an interesting topic: “An Oromo Obama: The Audacity to Reinvent Ethiopia.” The blogger tried to express his wish that the Oromo people take a responsibility to democratize Ethiopia, rather than the attempt to decolonize Oromia. He came up with the “either – or” thinking as if the decolonization of Oromia and the democratization of Ethiopia are exclusive to each other (thinking in a “parallel framework”). One author named Tesfaye Kebede reacted with a short article of a very good precision, which is published on Gadaa.com, showing how both decolonization of the nation Oromia (being free from the hitherto system of domination in the empire) and democratization of the region called Ethiopia can go hand in hand.

I just say, any Oromo “Obama,” who may ignore the existence, decolonization and independence of Oromia, be it within the clothing/mask of the region, Ethiopia, or within the Horn is doomed to fail. The only Ethiopia, which might have a chance to survive, is the one based on a free Oromia and on the free will of the Oromo people. Thinking otherwise and still preaching a democratic unitary Ethiopia, where Oromia will be dismantled or dominated, is an obsolete mindset of the “modern” descendants of the old nefxenyas and the thinking of the currently ruling neo-nefxenyas. The only way of democratization which can be accepted by a certain Oromo Obama is a multinational democracy after/with self-determination of Oromia.

It is only after/with the self-determination of the oppressed nations in the region, including the Afar, Ogaden, Oromo, Sidama, Anyuwak, Benishangul, etc., that a true democratization of the region, be it in a from of the Ethiopian union or the Horn union, can take root. Trying to democratize an empire is simply a self-deception just as it was during the past Teferi Mekonnen’s “aristocratic democracy,” Mengistu H/Mariam’s “autocratic democracy” and the present Meles Zenawi’s “ethnocratic democracy.” We can just talk about this buzz word democracy, but we continue to suffer further under tyranny. The elites in that empire, specially the Habesha elites, should come to their sense and smell the coffee. The era of deceiving the Oromo people and other oppressed nations with the sham democratization of Ethiopia is almost over.

That is why it is now the time for calling ALL oppressed nations to rise up against the worst only one EVIL (the ruling fascist neo-nefxenyas) in the region. No question that the devil in the Horn of Africa now is this fascist rule of the neo-nefxenyas. All nations in the region have this one common enemy. Nations in the current Ethiopian empire like the Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Sidama, Somali, Afar, Welayita, etc. and even the neighboring nations like Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia should have certain de facto alliance against these fascists.

I think the “multinational” forces of freedom and democracy like G-7 starting to cooperate with the national liberation fronts like OLF is the new version of the alliance yet to be fostered similar to the AFD, the alliance which seems to be weak now. The new alliance of the “iilegal” forces of freedom and democracy in addition to the alliance at home will definitely be the beginning of the end for the devil of the Horn. One of the best sentences said by Dr Berihanu Nega until now was: Weyanewoch iyekefafelun yalut, kenesu bilxinet yetenesa sayihon, kenya monyinet yetenesa newu.

This wise assertion is the call for the alliance of all against tyranny to struggle together having the following two phases of the ongoing struggle for freedom and democracy, which was previously planned by AFD, and now propagated by G-7 and others:

- first phase to achieve our freedom from tyranny or from the system of domination, i.e. decolonization.
- second phase to build multinational democracy in the region Ethiopia or the Horn, i.e. democratization.

Here we see that decolonization of the nations like Oromia and that of the regions like Ethiopia/the Horn comes prior to the democratization. Decolonization is the very good prerequisite for democratization. Other way round, theoretically, democratization of Ethiopia can be a very good means for decolonization of Oromia. But thinking to democratize an empire is a pipe dream. Now, we are in the first phase, the phase of decolonizing nations in Ethiopia, where we ALL need to cooperate for freedom from the neo-nefxenyas’ lording as well as looting and; thereafter, in the second phase or in the phase of democratization, we all can compete for power in the future genuine union of free nations in a democratic way.

So, it is now a time for all opposition democratic parties and the liberation fronts, including both the “legals” and the “illegals”, to come to their sense, after the past 19 years of foolishness. I wish all of them agree on one common ground, i.e. on one common purpose: national independence like independent Oromia with regional union like Ethiopian/Horn union. It is encouraging that we have started to observe that Habesha dominated organizations like G-7 and UDJ have started to talk that they are fighting first for freedom from tyranny and then struggle for a possible multinational and multiparty democracy. Now, there are four groups of politicians in the empire regarding this common purpose:

- the fascist neo-nefxenyas, who claim to have achieved both national autonomy for all nations in the empire and claim to have forged a federation (unity) based on the “free will” of these “autonomous” nations.

- the reactionary descendants of the old nefxenyas, who do reject national independence (autonomy) of nations in the empire and who do cry only for Ethiopian unity (an euphemism to keep the empire with its system of domination), by which they mean Amharanized unitary Ethiopia.

- the radical liberation fronts of the Oromo people and some other liberation fronts, which do seem to ignore now the possible regional union, but do struggle vehemently for only national independence like for the independent Gadaa republic of Oromia, disregarding the possible benefit of a regional union of all nations on the grave of the hitherto empire.

- the momentarily weakened AFD as well as the presently strong Medrek, including some other moderate organizations, which seem to struggle for establishing a regional union (Ethiopian union) with the possible national independence (freedom/autonomy) of all nations in the region. I think this was the vision of OLF from the very beginning to achieve both Oromian independence (national freedom) and, if possible, based on the free will of the concerned nations, to forge Ethiopian/the Horn union (regional integration).

I hope the liars in the first group will be compelled to stop their deception. Fortunately, those in the second group are seeming to lose their mass base. Those liberators and politicians in the third group need to come to their sense and join the fourth group, for the current momentum is in favour of the fourth group, and it is becoming clear that the national Oromian independence and the regional Ethiopian/the Horn union are not exclusive to each other per se. Based on public verdict of the Oromo, the independence of Oromia can be respected within or without the regional union. I do think those fronts and parties with common purpose of national independence within regional union must forge a new all inclusive alliance, not only at home like Medrek, but also in Diaspora in order to get rid of the barbaric and fascist neo-nefxenyas.




It is only such clear vision and mission of all nations in the empire which can give birth to the Oromo Obama of the coming true union. As the author on Gadaa.com rightly put, there can’t be any Oromo Obama to administer the currently apartheid and enslaving empire. As Mandela administered the post apartheid democratic South Africa, and as Obama was elected in the post slavery democratic United States of America, a certain Oromo Obama can emerge and administer only in a democratic union of independent nations on the grave of the hitherto domination system of the Ethiopian empire. Is the blogger of Addis Neger ready for such a union to be build on the grave of the empire? I doubt it for he seems to have no place of cognition for the recognition of Oromia.

So I would like to suggest to Habesha “democrats,” who want to instrumentalize Oromo, as they seem to do now regarding Adde Birtukan Midhagsa, to just stop beating around the bush and to recognize the right of Oromia to exist and to be emancipated. If they take such step and be ready for the regional union to be build on the stable rock of an independent democratic Oromia, I am sure not only one Oromo Obama, but hundreds can rise up against any sort of injustice in the region, we call it Ethiopia or the Horn. Let them learn to decolonize (make free from the tyranny of the neo-nefxenyas) the nation-states like Amharia, Tigrai, Afarland, Oromia, Ogadenia and other nations in the empire by being cooperated and coordinated with the freedom fighters of the oppressed nations like OLF and ONLF.

The possible upcoming genuine Oromo Obama is not the one who sings the song of the unitary imiye Ethiopia at the expense of Oromian independence, but the one who struggles for Oromian independence and unity, being open for the regional union which includes all other free nations in the present Ethiopia. Even Adde Birtukan Midhagsa, whom the Habesha elites and the Western powers seem to prepare to play this Obama role, can’t be accepted and respected by Oromo, whenever she is/will be anti-Oromia. Only when and where she is ready to accommodate and promote both Oromian liberty and Ethiopian/the Horn union, it is possible that she can garner the support of Oromo.

The problem the Oromo people do have is not the problem of not giving birth to such Mandela or Obama, but we do have the problem of not seeing any Frederik Willem de Klerk and Helen Suzman from the camp of Habesha elites. Is the blogger who wants to see Oromo Obama a person who can think, talk and walk like Helen Suzman of South Africa? Is there any political leader, who is ready to act like de Klerk, from the side of Habesha elites, who are still the authors and perpetrators of the Abyssinian system of domination? When we do see the de Klerk’s and the Suzman’s from the camp of Habesha elites as well as when the time comes that we do see enough Habesha politicians accepting and respecting the right of Oromia to exist and to be emancipated from the hitherto system of slavery, then it is really Oromai for the tyrants in Oromia and Ethiopia/the Horn, and it will be the time to see the Oromo Obama’s coming and growing out of the liberated nation.

Sure is that, be it happen during the coming sham election or thereafter, the Oromo people are already determined to say Oromai to the system of domination in Oromia in particular, and in the region (Ethiopia/the Horn) in general. All democratic forces and all freedom fighters, who do have such a vision and a mission should now come together and organize the upcoming potential public uprising in the empire against the fascistic and tyrannical rule of the neo-nefxenyas. It is now evident that the cadres of the neo-nefxenyas are making much noise to persuade the genuine opposition parties like Medrek to boycott the sham election to hinder the possibility of exposing their already programmed vote rigging and to inhibit the chance of initiating the public uprising following the rigging.

I personally recommend not to boycott, but all anti-neo-nefxenya forces to be ready for the possible peaceful public uprising. It is good that Oromo nationalists are now organizing demonstrations in Washington/DC and Melbourne/Australia. But this is not enough, there must be similar steps to be taken in the empire after the next vote rigging. I hope that all oppressed citizens and nations rise up and say together Oromai to the tyranny by the neo-nefxenyas as well as to the system of domination in Oromia in particular, and in Ethiopia in general, be it during the upcoming sham election or thereafter in the near future. FDG (Fincila Diddaa Garbummaa = peaceful uprising against tyranny) must be intensified. I also would like to say Oromai.

Galatooma!

* Fayyis Oromia can be reached at fayyis@yahoo.de.

The Oromo University Students Are Under Attack by TPLF Regime

ADDA BILISUMMAA OROMOO
OROMO LIBERATION FRONT

Statement of the Oromo Liberation Front

According to credible reports reaching us from Finfinee (Addis Ababa), starting on May 1, 2010, and
continuing, the Oromo students of the Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) University are under physical assault and
harassment by the brutal TPLF regime’s Agazi (Special Force) soldiers and security forces. The assault
on the Oromo University students was provoked and started by the TPLF security agents enrolled into the
University as students. When the Oromo students were heroically defending themselves from the attack
of the TPLF agents, the TPLF Agazi soldiers and security forces entered the University campus as a
reinforcement force. After they entered the University campus, the Agazi soldiers and the security forces
singled out and brutally and inhumanely attacked the Oromo students. Due to the assault, tens of Oromo
students have been injured; some have suffered life threatening injuries. Hundreds of Oromo students
were kidnapped and taken away by the security forces and their where about is not known. It is believed
that the kidnapped Oromo students are held in secret detention centers and are being subjected to torture,
inhuman and degrading treatments by the brutal TPLF soldiers and security forces. It is also reported that
hundreds of Oromo students who escaped the kidnapping have sought refuge in mosques and churches.
Preliminary Report among those imprisoned are the following:
Name Depatment Year
1 Sanyii Nagaash Political science 3rd
2 Amanu’el Teklu Languag 4th
3 Efrem Fikad u Afan Oromo 4th
4 Tomas Amante Psychology 4th
5 Ayeris Dhalasaa Afan Oromoo 4th
6 Adunya Kaba History 4th
7 Tamiru Adunya Afan Oromoo 4th
8 Tamire Bogale History 4th
9 Gololchaa Baldi Psychology 4th
10 Dabalu Geography 3rd (Where about unknown)
11 Kadir Faraja Afan Oromo 4th
12 Gudina Fixumaa Psychology 4th
The following were wounded and hospitalized and taken out of hospital and thrown into Prison
13 Ibsa Yonas Archeology 2nd
14 Amanuel Teklu Language 2nd
15 Gurmessa Oromoo Language 4th
16 Ifa Tasfaye Oromoo Language 2nd (bullet wounded on the neck)
17 Damasa
18 Cherinat
19 Tafarii
20 Fedhasaa
21 Robina
22 Bekuma Berhane Oromo Language 2nd
23 Taka History 4th
24 Balisaa
Girl Students
25 Marge Guta Oromo Language 2nd
26 Walali Wagga Oromoo Language 2nd
27 Yeshareg Sisay
28 Tinur Waqtola Oromo Language 2nd
29 Shukare Raggasa Language 2nd
30 Rahel Hirana Oromo Language 2nd
31 Tigist Ibsaa Oromo Language 2nd
32 Shitaye Tasfa Language 2nd
33 Hawwii Oromoo Language 3rd (lost teeth)
According to the reports, the assault of the TPLF security forces on the Oromo university
students and the self-defence and solidarity actions of the Oromo students is spreading to
several other institutions of higher education in the country. It is a public secret that the Agazi
soldiers and security forces perpetrating such cruel and in human assaults on the Oromo
students are under the direct command and order of the wicked dictator Meles Zenawi. Agazi
soldiers are remembered in the Addis Abeba street brutal massacre of more than 200 innocent
civilians who were demonstrating to protect their stolen votes by the regime right after 2005
election.
The present assault and harassment of the Oromo university students is neither the first nor an
isolated incident; it is a continuation of a long standing anti-Oromo intellectuals’ policy pursued
by the tyrannical TPLF/Meles regime since it controlled the Ethiopian State power in May
1991. Its purpose is to deprive the Oromo nation of an educated manpower. This inhuman and
anti-Oromo policy emanated from the TPLF leaders’ vile belief that depriving the Oromo
nation of its educated man power makes it easier for them to misrule, subjugate and exploit the
conquered Oromo nation for a long-time. It was based on this inhuman policy that the TPLF
regime capriciously and discriminatorily dismissed more than 300 Oromo students from
Finfinee University a couple of years ago.
The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) vehemently condemns the inhuman assault of the Meles
regime on the Oromo university students. Meles Zenawi and his tyrannical regime bear the sole
responsibility for the assault on Oromo students an its consequences.
The OLF calls on the Oromo people to stand by the Oromo university students, the future of our
nation, who are being attacked by the brutal TPLF regime. We call up on you to fulfil your
natural and patriotic duties to defend and protect your children.
The OLF particularly calls up on the Oromos, who are serving in the TPLF regime’s armed,
security and police forces, to say enough is enough and stand by the Oromo people, who are
daily harassed, terrorized, murdered and subjected to cruel, inhuman and discriminatory
treatments and turn your weapons against the tyrannical Meles Zenawi regime.
The timing of the assault on the Oromo students, May 2010, is not without reason. May 2010, is
a time of another round of a sham election; during which the TPLF regime made it a custom to
terrorize and murder the people. We believe that the assault and terrorization of the brutal
regime only started by the Oromo students; no people in Ethiopia will be immune from a
similar assault and the worst is yet to come; as long as the brutal TPLF continues to control the
State power in Ethiopia. Therefore, the OLF would like to take this opportunity to call up on all
concerned Oromo and other political forces opposed to the TPLF’s tyrannical misrule, to unite,
cooperate, and coordinate our struggles and once and for all get rid of the wicked, cruel and
criminal regime led by the tyrant Meles Zenawi, the source of all our miseries, and usher in an
era of liberation, democracy, freedom, justice, peace and prosperity for all the peoples in
Ethiopia.
Victory to the Oromo People!
Oromo Liberation Front
May 6, 2010

Ethiopian Opposition Says Campaign Has Become War (Update1)
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By Jason McLure

May 7 (Bloomberg) -- Ethiopia’s ruling party has increased harassment of opposition supporters before a May 23 election in the Horn of Africa country, opposition coalition leader Merara Gudina said.

Activists loyal to Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front have thrown stones at his car, breaking its windows and puncturing its tires over various occasions while campaigning in the Oromiya region in the past two weeks, said Merara, who is a parliamentary candidate.

“It looks like sort of a war, not an election,” Merara said in a phone interview from the capital, Addis Ababa, today.

Public meetings for Medrek, an alliance of opposition parties, are often blocked by local officials in Oromiya, Merara said. Medrek leaders have been barred from hotels and from buying fuel in some areas of the region, he said. The ruling alliance is defending a majority of 400 seats in the 537-seat parliament.

A video camera was stolen that had been used to document what activists described as abuses, Merara said.

Merara is making a “totally baseless allegation,” said Shimeles Kemal, a spokesman for the government. “So far he has never been encountered with a single harassment on the part of the residents.”

Shimeles said the opposition candidate’s car had not been damaged and that police in the region had seized the camera because the opposition leader had a dispute with the cameraman over pay.

Two Medrek activists have been killed since March. The government has denied the two deaths were connected to the campaign.

Violence

The opposition is planning to use violence to topple the government, Tedros Hagos, head of the political bureau of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front which rules the country in a coalition with Meles’ party, said on April 28.

Security forces loyal to Meles killed 193 demonstrators in the aftermath of the country’s disputed 2005 poll. Opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa is in jail on a life sentence for treason given after the election.

To contact the reporter on this story: Jason McLure in Addis Ababa via Johannesburg at pmrichardson@bloomberg.net.

Last Updated: May 7, 2010 12:37 EDT

Oromo: Tokkummaa of Oromummaa for Bilisummaa – The Panacea?!

By Fayyis Oromia*

The Oromo people as a collective entity are without any question suffering under garbummaa (slavery or tyranny) since the end of the nineteenth century. This collective entity is trying to get back its lost bilisummaa (freedom) since the time of occupation or colonization by the invading nefxenyas (war lords) of Abyssinians. Oromo fought against the old nefxenya Amhara elites till 1991, and now these same occupied people are fighting against the neo-nefxenya Weyane ever since the later took power from the old nefxenyas. Now, it seems the descendants of the old nefxenyas are trying to come back, and the neo-nefxenyas are doing their best to stay in the very lucrative power in Finfinne palace. The question to be asked again and again is: what do the Oromo people should do? Still fight each other as our enemies in both the old and the new nefxenya camps want us to do?


I do write this short essay after visiting the website, Bilisummaa.com, where some “leaders of Oromo liberation” do write their articles opposing tokkummaa Oromo (Oromo unity) and the Paltalk MMTUO (Mana Marii Tokkummaa Uummata Oromo = Paltalk discussing about Oromo people’s unity), where anti-tokkummaa-Oromo individuals are vehemently fighting against the current move of Oromo nationalists to bring together Oromo liberation forces, in general, and the three factions of OLF, in particular. I am amazed to hear and read from such “Oromo” individuals. I put here the word Oromo in quotation mark for the highest probability is that they are Afaan Oromo speaking part of our “smart foes” or, of course, the misguided from our own society. Otherwise, I do not see any logic, why any reasonable Oromo should campaign against tokkummaa of Oromummaa for Bilisummaa (unity based on Oromoness to achieve liberty) at this particular time of our worst condition of slavery.

I tried to understand these “Oromo” individuals opposing tokkummaa and to find out the reason they do have to be as such anti-tokkummaa. I just found the following main reasons they do pray daily as a mantra:

- “tokkummaa tokkummaa diigu hin barbaadnu (unity which dismantles unity is not needed) or what is now propagated and going on is tokkummaa sobaa ti (it is fake unity)”;

- “tokkummaa suggested and led by Obbo Leenco Lataa is fake”;

- “tokkummaan Sorressa Jaarraa Abbaagadaa hin daballe, tokkummaa dhugaa miti (unity excluding Jaarraa Abbaagadaa is not true unity)”;

- “WBO must not be exclusively controlled by ABO (the Oromo liberation army must not be exclusively controlled by the Oromo Liberation Front)”, etc

Before trying to comment on these points of arguments, let me try to define operationally the concepts tokkummaa (unity), Oromummaa (Oromo nationalism) and bilisummaa (liberty). I do this simple job, and I will repeat what I already wrote 3000x till both our “smart foes” and “stu*pid friends” do comprehend, if they really can or want to understand.

Tokkummaa Oromo is the unity which should take our diversity into consideration, and Oromo nationalists must have the future democratic federal Oromia in mind. In such sense of a possible federation of the Oromo people from different regions, clans and religions, tokkummaa is to be defined from the Latin word foedus meaning covenant. Such tokkummaa is a union comprising a number of partially self-governing states or regions united by a central (”federal”) government. In a federation, the self-governing status of the component states is typically constitutionally entrenched and may not be altered by a unilateral decision of the central government. A covenant, in its most general signification, means any kind of promise or contract, whether it be made in writing or by parol. In a more technical sense, and the one in which it is here considered, a covenant is an agreement between two or more persons, entered into in writing and under seal, whereby either party stipulates for the truth of certain facts, or promises to perform or give something to the other, or to abstain from the performance of certain things.

In such sense, Oromo individuals or groups (based on region, clan, party and religion) should be able to forge such covenant, promise, agreement or contract in order to build a common purpose of establishing future independent federal Oromia, be it within or without a union of free nations in the region or have a covenant in order to abstain from any sort of destructive words and works which hinder Oromo from achieving the common purpose. For this free Oromia to be realized, the positive Oromo nationalism (patriotism) or Oromummaa must be the common ground for all Oromo individuals and groups. What is this common identity, Oromummaa (Oromo patriotism)?

Patriotism is love and devotion to one’s country. The word comes from the Greek patris, meaning fatherland. Patriotism, however, has had different meanings over time, and its meaning is highly dependent upon context, geography, and philosophy. Although patriotism is used in certain vernaculars as a synonym for nationalism, nationalism is not necessarily considered an inherent part of patriotism. Among the ancient Greeks, patriotism consisted of notions concerning language, religious traditions, ethics, law, and devotion to the common good, rather than pure identification with a nation-state (nationalism is such identification). Some scholars even write that patriotism does not require one to agree with everything that his country does and would actually promote analytical questioning in a quest to make the country the best it possibly can be.

In this sense, let me take the beneficial definition, i.e. patriotism as a devotion to the common good. What is the common good for Oromo at this particular time? No question moving from the hitherto garbummaa (slavery) to bilisummaa (liberty) of the future is the common good all Oromo individuals and groups need to devote to now. This devotion of Oromo, despite all the diversities in the nation, to the common good is what I would call a true Oromummaa (patriotism). The tokkummaa we are now struggling for is the tokkummaa based on such Oromummaa.




The ultimatum goal of this tokkummaa of Oromummaa is bilisummaa in a sense of national self-determination, including individual liberty. Self-determination is a process by which a group of people, usually possessing a degree of political consciousness, form their own state and government. According to the UN charter, a people has the right to form itself into a state or to otherwise determine the form of its association with another state, and every state has the right to choose its own political, economic, social, and cultural systems. Moreover, the administering authorities of dependent territories are to ensure political advancement and the development of self-government in those territories.

It is such bilisummaa of Oromo (self-determination), which needs to be taken as the common good. Additionally, bilisummaa in a sense of individual liberty is to be pursued in a future federal democratic Oromia within or without a union of nations in the Horn. Bilisummaa in a sense of liberty has found philosophical expression in individualism. It is the conception of the individual as having certain natural rights that could not be denied or taken away by society or by any external authority, it includes rights possessed by people living in a “state of nature” and not surrendered, only modified, in the social contract by which they agreed to live together in society. Political scientists point out that even in a “state of nature,” people are subject to the law of nature and that the rights enjoyed by them in society are historically acquired and not natural except in a strictly social sense. Liberties are acquired through the joining of like-minded individuals to gain special privileges for themselves.

So, if we do understand bilisummaa in such individual sense (liberty) and in collective sense (self-determination), no question that Oromo do struggle for bilisummaa in both senses. Tokkummaa based on Oromummaa (respecting our diversities in region, clan, party and religion) is the best means we need to achieve the bilisummaa in the above both senses. From this perspective, we just ask who are those individuals against our tokkummaa of Oromummaa for bilisummaa? As usual, I do see two types of personalities behind this opposition: our “smart” foes and our “stu*pid” friends.

Then, the next question is, who are those Afaan Oromo speaking people in MMTUO and those Afaan Oromo writing on Bilisummaa.com, and are vehemently opposing the current move of Oromo nationalists and the Oromo people to forge and consolidate this best instrument, tokkummaa of Oromummaa for bilisummaa? Are they misguided Oromo with genuine argument for they probably see any sort of danger in this tokkummaa or are they a well paid and dispatched Weyane cadres just to disturb Oromo unity for they know that this unity is the only power Oromo do have? To the cadres, I just say: you are doing good job; regarding the misguided Oromo, I would like to advise them to keep indifferent, if they have a position not supporting the current tokkummaa for some reason. The misguided Oromo better do no harm to their own nation rather than to be instruments of our foes knowingly or unknowingly.

Time will show who these anti-tokkummaa individuals really are, but indisputable is the importance of tokkummaa Oromo for bilisummaa we want to achieve by any means necessary. Oromo is enslaved in addition to the help our colonizers got from their Western friends, because of the fact that we gradually lost the tokkummaa we had under the Gadaa rule. History shows us that the old nefxenyas could conquer Oromo by dividing and using certain parts of Oromo elites; they also ruled till 1991 by instrumentalizing again some Oromo elites. The neo-nefxenya modernized this trend of using the collaborators by organizing them under one “Oromo political party.” So they tried to fool the Oromo people by saying: “here you are already liberated, and you are now ruled by an Oromo political party.”

Of course, the Oromo people are not as such fools to buy such insulting of our intelligence. We know the Afaan Oromo speaking Habesha rulers and the few privileged Oromo mercenaries in the “Oromo party” ruling Oromia are there just to keep the status quo. They keep the hitherto victories out of fearing the Oromo people and inhibit further liberation movement just to benefit their masters who are in Finfinne palace. Further liberation move means a lose of the lucrative power for their masters from Tigrai. Now being very rich as they are, these Weyane elites can buy any mercenary Oromo or any Afaan Oromo speaking others to sow a discord among Oromo nationalists using Paltalks and websites as shown above. No wonder that these new nefxenyas do anything under the sun to inhibit tokkummaa of Oromummaa for bilisummaa.

Are the assertions I heard/read in MMTUO and Bilisummaa.com and I listed above the legitimate reasons for the opposition by the individuals against the ongoing tokkummaa? What does “tokkummaa tokkummaa diigu hin barbaadnu” mean? Did the individuals want tokkummaa being controlled by Weyane? Is any tokkummaa not accepted by Afaan Oromo speaking and Afaan Oromo writing anti-Oromo fake? Who are they to discredit and demonize Obbo Leencoo? Did they contribute one hundredth of what he did? Are they really concerned that Jaarraa Abbaagadaa is “excluded” or did they now get another way of dividing Oromo nationalists (OLF vs. ULFO)? Why do they cry and try to separate WBO from ABO; is this really healthy approach? Is it again the new way of dividing Oromo nationalists: ABO vs. WBO? Let the readers answer these questions themselves; I just leave the questions as such.

Thanks Waaqayyoo/Rabbii, despite these all efforts of our “smarts and stu*pids”, the Oromo community all over the world is engulfed by the notion of tokkummaa, and no power on the earth can hinder it. We have seen tokkummaa forged by some of our hitherto mini-liberation forces. Now, we are waiting for the best breakthrough, i.e. re-unification of the three factions of OLF. Of course, then can follow the possible unification of OLF with ULFO, the possible cooperation of struggle with OFC and even with the true Oromo face of OPDO, i.e. genuine and non-criminal Oromo nationalists in OPDO (ignoring the Weyane face of OPDO or those serving their master Weyane). Such tandem action of Oromo nationalists in OPDO, OFC, ULFO and OLF is the worst thing our enemies, be it those longing for the coming back of the old nefxenyas or those trying to keep the new nefxenyas in power, can experience. So no wonder if they do everything to make sure that Oromo will not be united.

They have tried the division by presenting as if there is irreconcilable difference of Kaayyoo among different liberation forces of Oromo. I hope now many Oromo nationalists (except few, who still pray the old mantra) have got the truth that there is no conflict of Kaayoo per se. I repeat it as often as possible that there is only ONE Kaayyoo-Oromo (bilisummaa in a sense of self-determination) with three possible sub-kaayyoo’s (sub-goals): tactical goal/kaayyoo-tooftaa (Oromian autonomy in the Ethiopian context), CORE goal/kaayyoo-ijo (Oromian independence) and strategical goal/kaayyoo-tarsimoo (union of independent nations in the region). Is this hard to understand or is it a “secret” not to be revealed to our enemies? I think, both our foes and our friends must understand what we want to achieve. This way or that way, freedom is not free! There is nothing our foes give us because of their benevolence.

We just forge tokkummaa of Oromummaa for bilisummaa, and then compel our colonizers in Finfinne palace to give up their subjugating grip on the Oromo nation. We advise also the Amhara mass and the Tegaru mass to distance themselves from both the old nefxenyinet (war-lordism) and the new nefxeyninet, respectively, and struggle for the liberty (self-determination) of their respective nations, so that we can build a UNION of free nations in the Horn/empire/region for our common economical benefit. Until the great Oromo nation becomes free from Abyssinian colonization/domination, there will never be the required peace and stability in the Horn, for which both the Abyssinians and their Western friends long, as a prerequisite for development. So, the liberation of Oromia is good not only for Oromo, but also for the other stakeholders of the region.

Last but not least, the beginning of this regional union is the tokkummaa of Oromo as a covenant for our national common good. Now, it is a time for Oromo groups from diverse regions, clans, parties and religions to undertake such covenant to move together under the common identity of Oromummaa with the positive Oromo nationalism (patriotism) towards the common good, i.e. bilisummaa. After achieving bilisummaa Oromo, there is nothing under the sky which can prevent the free Oromo nation and the free other neighboring nations from fostering the highly advantageous cultural, economic and political union. I hope both our foes and friends will comprehend this move of Oromo and then accept as well as respect our legitimate move, which is ultimately advantageous for all stakeholders. That is why I dare to say tokkummaa of Oromummaa for bilisummaa is not only the right way for Oromo, but also a panacea for all economic and political problems in the Horn. Otherwise, I just say, let Waaqayyoo/Rabbii open the minds of all the concerned, including the oppressors, so that they understand not only what is good for themselves, but what is the common good for all in the region!

Galatooma!

* Fayyis Oromia can be reached at fayyis@yahoo.de.

(Part II) Interview with OLF chairman Mr. Dawud Ebsa

Ethiopia: Remains of Muhee Abdo, Former OLF Leader Executed by Derg in 1986, Laid to Rest in Finfinne

The Ethiopian Television has reported that remains of 30 people, who were long-time political prisoners of the Derg and later extra-judicially executed in 1986 by the Derg, were laid to rest at the Red Terror Martyrs’ Memorial Museum in Finfinne (Addis Ababa). The caskets arrived at the Memorial Museum in a funeral procession through the streets of Finfinne from the Special Prosecutor’s Office, where they were held after being exhumed from the ground of the Kotebe Derg’s Intelligence office by an Argentinean forensic anthropology team in the mid 1990’s.


The Murdered Oromo Prisoners
Among the 30 murdered in cold-blood by the Derg in October 1986 were Oromo political prisoners of the notorious Maa’ikalaawii (Central) prison: Obbo Muhee Abdo, Obbo Gezahegne Kassahun, Obbo Kebede Demissie and Obbo Yigezu Wake.

According to an Amnesty International Report, in addition to being ardent Oromo nationalists, the four executed prisoners were:
Gezahegne Kassahun – former first deputy chairman, All Ethiopia Trades Union,
Kebede Demissie – former Ministry of Agriculture official,
Muhee Abdo – civil servant and university graduate,
Yigezu Wake – former army lieutenant.

Brutality on Muhee Abdoo Represents the Brutality on the Generation
Obbo Muhee Abdo was an active member of the Ethiopian Students Movement at the Addis Ababa (formerly, the Haile-Sellassie) University in the early 1970’s. He later became a member of the 5-men Oromo Liberation Front’s top leadership, known as the Supreme Politico Military Command (SPMC), in September 1977.

In his book, Prison of Conscience: Upper Compound Maa’kalaawii, Obbo Ibsaa Guutama, who had been a political prison with Obbo Muhee Abdo at Maa’ikalaawii, notes:

“It’s suffice to mention four victims of state brutality that the writer believes would represent that restless generation, four outstanding student leaders of the epoch, Waalilliny Mokonin, Haayilee Fidaa, Brihana Masqal Raddaa, and Muhee Abdoo Abbaa Duulaa.”

Recounting that October night, when fellow prisoners were called out from Maa’ikalaawii by the security guards to be herded to the Kotebe execution ground, Obbo Ibsaa Guutama in the same book says:

“From the Upper Compound, Muhee Abdoo and Gazaheny Kaasaahun were called [out]. It was already heard that several old prisoners from the Karchallee had arrived presumably to be released. Gazaheny informed this writer about their arrival, shortly before he himself was called out. The subsequent addition of the two comrades [Muhee and Gazaheny] raised doubt. After some time, the Administration sent for their belongings. That was an enough clue for something bad [had happened to Muhee and Gazaheny.] All their comrades were numbed. They did not know how to respond.”

Exhuming the Bodies from Kotebe
The bodies of the 30 political prisoners, who were extra-judicially executed at the Kotebe Intelligence office by the Derg, were dug out by an Argentinean forensic anthropology team in the 1990’s at the request of the Carter Presidential Center and the Special Prosecutor’s Office (SPO), according to the Argentinean team’s website. The Special Prosecutor’s Office was set up to investigate and prosecute former Derg members and officials in 1992. Among others, evidences from the Kotebe executions (pictures below) were presented to the Court that found Derg members, including the head of the Derg, Colonel Mengistu Haile-Mariam, guilty of mass murder and sentenced Mengistu to death in absentia.


Ropes used to strangle & execute the October 1986 Oromo martyrs: Gezahegne Kassahun, Kebede Demissie, Muhee Abdo & Yigezu Wake. Source: Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (Viewer Discretion Advised)
Reporting about the executions, the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team said:

“The former Makalawi prisoners that we interviewed said that late on the night of October 7, 1979 [Geez Calendar, 1986 in European Calendar], a truck arrived in the prison compound and twenty prisoners were offloaded. The night was cold and many of the new prisoners had wrapped themselves in blankets. They were put in holding cells apart from the main cellblock. The next morning, at 10-20 minutes intervals, the guards called out each of the twenty new prisoners by name and, one by one, they were marched away. Ten Makalawi prisoners were similarly called out and taken away. The thirty men never returned, and by late afternoon rumors began to circulate that they had all been executed.”

For additional information, refer to the following:
- Reports by the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team
- Book: Guutama, Ibsaa, “Prison of Conscience: Upper Compound Maa’kalaawii,” Gubirmans Publishing, New York, 2003

==================================
RELATED:
AFP: Ethiopia reburies Mengistu victims
ADDIS ABABA — Dozens of Ethiopians marched Thursday to rebury family members massacred during dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam’s “Red Terror” purge which claimed tens of thousands of lives some 30 years ago.

A funeral convoy of dark vehicles made its way through the capital’s main streets carrying coffins draped in the Ethiopian flag, as a military band played sombre tunes.

Relatives observed a minute’s silence at a museum where they were to be re-buried.

The museum opened last month after three years of construction. It is to honour victims of the 1977-78 campaign of state terror carried out on Mengistu’s orders to wipe out his opponents.

Only ten bodies have been identified since they were exhumed in 1994 by Argentinian forensic experts from a former security compound in the north of Addis Ababa.

“These young Ethiopian victims were rounded up by government agents and strangled by rope in 1978,” Ayne Tsige, the head of the victims’ association, told AFP.

Sixty-seven year-old Zeineba Seid recalled the events that followed her brother’s disappearance.

“They kept telling us he was alive and well. We only confirmed after the bodies were found,” she said, referring to local authorities.

Her brother’s remains were identified in 1994 with the help of her own DNA.

“Although his loss is painful for us all, I am extremely happy that we have finally laid him to rest,” said Meaza Gulema, a cousin of the slain man.

Mengistu, now in exile in Zimbabwe, was sentenced in absentia two years ago to death for genocide along with 17 of his henchmen following a decade-long trial in Addis Ababa.

The former army lieutenant-colonel was a member of the Marxist junta known as the Derg which ruled Ethiopia from 1974 to 1991 after the ouster of emperor Haile Selassie.

As many as 100,000 people were killed during the campaign as Mengistu sought to transform the country into a Soviet-style workers’ state.

The regime, then battling a number of insurgencies throughout the country, used several tactics to scare opponents, one of which was leaving dead bodies on streets as a warning.

- AFP

Ethiopia: Consensus on Ethiopian Unity, But Referendum on Oromian Unity?

By Fayyis Oromia*

What a double standard and absurdity in the Habesha political camp? Let alone the reactionary unitarists like AEUP and the conservative hegemonists like TPLF, even “the modern, liberals and moderates” like UDJ and G-7 are not free from such double standard, just as their friends/masters in the Western world are not free from all sorts of double standards. Here are few of the double standards, I did observe, being practiced by Habesha elites:

- “Amarigna as the federal working language is indisputable whereas Afaan Oromo needs public verdict”;

- “Ethiopian unity is unconditional (needs only consensus of elites) whereas Oromian unity (one Oromia in a killil-federation of Ethiopia) needs referendum”;

- “Ethiopiawinet or Ethiopian nationalism which is actually the mask for Amharanet/Habeshanet or for Amhara nationalism/Abyssinian nationalism is the ‘holy nationalism’ whereas Oromummaa or Oromo nationalism is the ‘evil Gosenyinet or evil clanism’”


I now write this short essay based on the recent assertion of UDJ leaders who have told us not to make any compromise on Ethiopian unity, but want to go for the public’s verdict to decide on the legitimacy of Oromian unity, which is at least partially secured currently by the killil-federation (even though it is fake) in the Ethiopian context, if not yet by the complete independence of Oromia from the subjugating empire. I also heard one interview given by Mr. Andargachew Tsige, who still insisted on the acceptance of Ethiopian unity as the unconditional precondition to make an alliance with other opposition forces, such as the OLF.




No question that media outlets of AEUP and the likes lament about gosenyinet (clanism) when they want to talk about national movements like the Oromo national liberation movement. It is also not surprising to observe that some Oromo individuals, who are the descendants of privileged Oromo individuals during the monarchy and the military dictatorship like Dr. Zergabachew Asfaw Gammachu (the son of Bako/Ambo Wereda/Awuraja-gezhi, i.e. the son of the district/regional governor during the monarchy), are now rallying behind the reactionary unitarist forces like AEPO of the late Prof. Asrat.

We do see that there are, nowadays, three groups crying for unconditional Ethiopian unity, but disregard the importance of Oromian unity and autonomy. The ruling Tigrean hegemonists just talk the talk even though their main interest is only maintaining their lucrative power in Finfinne palace. The obsolete faara (old style) unitarists cry foul against killil-federation explicitly, discrediting it as “ye gosaa politika/clan politics.” The cunning araada (street smart) unitarists in G-7 and UDJ talk about unconditional Ethiopian unity as well as they try to act against Oromian unity by preaching about the buzz concepts like democracy, human rights, individual freedom, justice, development, peace, good governance, etc., but by opposing the killil-federation, which is the minimal guarantee for Oromian unity.

Anyways, be it the araada way or faara way, it is about saving the empire. The faara’s try it with old methods like talking what Debteraa Bahirey and Aleqaa Taye wrote regarding Ethiopian history. The araada’s use totally other methods. For instance, to reduce the danger coming from the Oromo, they use the following theories as postmodern approaches, which would be applied to fight against Oromo’s right to self-determination and to save the empire from disintegration:

- “all Ethiopians, including Tigrayans, are Oromo so Oromo liberation is not necessary” – the approach of some “modern Habesha historians”;

- “Oromo, as a majority, can rule Ethiopia, so let’s fight for democracy together – no need of liberation movement” – an approach of the modern Abesha movements, which try to instrumentalize Adde Birtukan Midhagsa;

- “everybody in Ethiopia is blended with Oromo; so Ethiopia is Oromia, and the Ethiopian empire is in reality an Oromo empire” – Aite Siye’s approach belongs here;

- “let’s focus on the development of Oromia; our people need more food rather than freedom” – Weyane’s/OPDO’s approach to divert attention of Oromo from the struggle for liberation and to pacify Oromo;

- “Oromo need unconditional independence, but OLF is the first enemy who abandoned this goal; so first focus on bashing, cursing, demonizing, discrediting and vilifying OLF” – Weyane cadres camouflaged as the radical pro-Oromo independence use this method.

The recent araada move is what we have observed in the new alliance Medrek, where the participating elites had a consensus to keep Ethiopian unity unconditionally, but agreed to have public referendum to decide on Oromian unity (killil-federation) vs. Oromian division (xeqilaigizat-federation). The cunning Habesha politicians in UDJ could “convince” the good-hearted yewah (harmless) Oromo politicians to accept this move. This move made me ask: is there any Amhara politician, disregarding the Weyane slaves in ANDM, who is really ready to accept and respect the right of Oromia for autonomy and unity? Yes, it is clear that Tigrean elites at least talk this talk even though they don’t walk the talk, i.e. they do respect this right of Oromia, at least partially and verbally.

Why are Ethiopianist elites, the majority being Amhara elites, as such die-hard opponents of Oromian unity and autonomy? Of course, it has got historical reason, which I don’t want to narrate here. I leave history for historians. In short, they seem to still fight the war of their forefathers against Oromo. Here, it is necessary to mention the struggle, which the Oromo people had fought against the Amhara ruling class (the old nefxenyas) for more than one century, and the failures Oromo experienced in the struggle to achieve their goal of Oromo liberation, specially because of the assistance given by the Western regimes to their Abyssinian servants. The following are a few of the assistance given as examples:

- the old nefxenyas could colonize Oromia, despite the heroic resistance of the Oromo people, by the help of the European colonialists at the end of the nineteenth century;

- the sporadic Oromo uprisings, such as that of Raya and Bale, were suppressed by the diplomatic and military help of the West;

- the demand of Oromo nationalists to establish Oromian confederation after the Second World War has been rejected by the Western allies, and they restored the monarchy to rule over Oromia further;

- the Oromo movement for self-determination, being led by Dr. Haile Fida of MEISON, was crashed by the help of the Soviets in 1977;

- the high motivation of the Oromo people for liberation in 1992, being led by OLF, was sabotaged, and the OLF army was encamped and destroyed with the very help of the West and the EPLF given to the neo-nefxenya, Weyane;

- the coming back of the Oromo national movement via AFD to take the responsibility in the empire and to determine the Oromo people’s fate, again being led by OLF, including the defection of Oromo Generals to support this move was again crashed by using the “invasion of Somalia” with the help of Americans in 2007;

- the current attempt of the Habesha elites and their Western helpers again to isolate Oromo nationalists from taking part in discussions and deliberation concerning the empire, against which Oromo nationalists protested in the last few weeks, is again symptomatic of the trend described above.
It is interesting to observe that Abyssinian elites (Amharas, Tegarus and Eritreans) do quarrel only on the position of a possible political domination in the region, but agree on making Oromia unconditionally be part and parcel of the empire without a consensus and consultation with Oromo elites. They all cry about unconditional Ethiopian unity, ignoring or disregarding the importance of Oromian unity and autonomy for the peace and stability of the region. They try to talk about the problems in the Ethiopian empire and the Horn, but forget that the central part of the problem is the colonization of Oromia and the core of the solution is the liberation of Oromia. How long will these Habesha elites and their Western helpers fool themselves?

The Oromo people have survived the invasions and imperialistic domination in the last many centuries, the colonization by Abyssinians being only part of these invasions. Oromo has resisted all cultural, economic and political subjugation. The territory occupied by the Oromo people seems to have been squeezed to the present status from all sides, specially from the north and the east. Leaving again history for historians, the current national area of Oromo aka Oromia unquestionably deserves its own autonomy and unity. All areas where the Oromo people live are continuous areas as depicted by the hitherto maps of Oromia from the north, Raya, to the south, Lamu, and from the west, Assosa, to the east Jijjiga.

Just as Habesha elites cry for Ethiopian unity, Oromo elites try to establish and keep Oromian unity (unity of Oromo national areas from north to south, and from west to east). The Oromo people are not necessarily against Ethiopian unity as the unitarist and the hegemonist Habeshas try to paint, but they are surely for Oromian unity. The question to Habesha elites is that can they learn to accept and respect this Oromian unity, just as they wish that the Oromo people do accept and respect Ethiopian unity? This is the crucial issue, where specially Amhara elites should check their position. At the time they start to learn this and come to terms, it is really not hard to make a necessary alliance with Oromo nationalists against the fascist Weyane regime. At the moment, unfortunately, the unitarist Amhara/Ethiopianist elites are an obstacle for such constructive alliance.

Now, it seems that Weyane is still enjoying the God-given lottery, i.e. the historical face-off between the Oromo and the Amhara elites as a “unique historical advantage for the TPLF” to perpetuate its rule. The far-sighted Oromo freedom fighters in OLF and the few reasonable Amhara democrats of CUD did forge AFD in the year 2006, which Meles Zenawi mocked as a marriage between “fire and straw” (isat ina ciid). Was he right? Again, the attempt of forging alliance by some moderate politicians from both Amhara and Oromo sides as well as from other nations in a form of MEDREK has not yet got the required optimal compromise solution. These elites in Medrek should have come to the consensus to forge and keep Oromian unity in the Ethiopian context unconditionally, just as they come to agreement to keep Ethiopian unity by any means. Unfortunately, AFD failed because of the withdrawal of both CUD and EPPF; similarly, Medrek seems to be in danger of disintegration for the rejection of UDJ to accept the right of Oromian unity and autonomy unconditionally.

At the time when Amhara/Ethiopianist elites in the parties like AEUP, EPRP, G-7 and UDJ start to accept and respect this Oromian unity unconditionally, I am sure it will not be hard for Oromo nationalists also to sing Ethiopian union for common benefit. When Oromian unity and autonomy are unconditionally accepted by all stakeholders in the region, including the power players of the globe, the Oromo people are the last to be disadvantaged in a union, be it in the name of Ethiopia or the Horn. But trying to by-pass Oromo’s national interest with the pretext of talking about only Ethiopia or the Horn, as it was done in the last “conference on Ethiopia and on the Horn,” is simply not a solution for that cursed and troubled region.




The best way to be seen as a solution is, Finfinne being the political center of Africa, to fight for Oromian unity unconditionally as a nucleus for Ethiopian/Horn unity and for African unity. When Habesha elites, in particular, and other stakeholders, in general, agree to move in this direction, Oromo elites will have no problem to forge any sort of alliance and to cooperate in any political move to stabilize the region. The araada’s like G-7 should accept the unconditional Oromian unity as one of the precondition, in addition to their unconditional Ethiopian unity and democracy, which they do always preach to us, in order to forge an efficient alliance with Oromo liberation forces like OLF. The other parties like UDJ should also learn to have a consensus on unconditional Oromian unity instead of crying for the referendum they have started to talk about. It is simply unfair to insist on consensus for unconditional Ethiopian unity, but demand referendum on Oromian unity, which can simply be taken as Ethiopian unity at the expense of Oromian unity (an attempt to dismantle Oromia per referendum).

It is clear that any attempt of Amhara/Ethiopianist forces and Oromo/Oromianist forces to find a common ground is the move which the fascist Weyane regime want to avoid by any means. So, it already dispatched its cadres to sow a discord among both Ethiopianists and Oromianists, specially at the following three levels:

- at the level of Ethiopianist forces vs Oromianist forces. Here, the cadres are doing their job in Paltalks and forums being camouflaged either as reactionary unitarist Amharas to curse Oromo forces as “gosenyas/clanists,” “separatists,” “narrow nationalists,” “dangerous for Ethiopian unity,” etc. or camouflaged as radical/revolutionary Oromo to blame Ethiopianist forces as “chauvinists,” “colonialists,” “anti-nationalities,” “dangerous for Oromian autonomy and unity,” etc. Yes, of course, there are still differences between the two forces as I tried to elaborate above, and Weyane cadres just pouring benzine onto it.

- at the level of only Ethiopianist forces, being camouflaged as supporters of AEUP to curse UDJ and vice versa; as supporters of G-7 to blame AEUP and vice versa; as supporters of G-7 to curse Medrek and vice versa; as supporters of Mesfin’s UDJ against Gizachew’s UDJ vice versa; as EPRP to accuse all others and vice versa, etc.

- at the level of only Oromianist forces, being camouflaged as supporters of different Oromo regional, political and religious groups to curse each other. Here, we did a great job in the last few years to expose such Weyane cadres so that, nowadays, we do hear and read not so much controversies as before. Oromianist forces simply started to move towards tokkummaa of oromummaa for bilisummaa (unity of Oromo nationalists for liberation).

The best anti-dote against this satanic action of fascist Weyanes and that of their cadres is that Ethiopianist (”multinational/hibre-biher“) forces learn to tolerate each other and forge unity for common purpose of their main issue (keeping Ethiopian unity) and that Oromianist forces continue with the tokkummaa of orommummaa for bilisummaa, which they have already started to forge. Of course, the move of UDJ and G-7 in trying to unite the first (i.e. Ethiopianist camp), and the role of OLF and ULFO in attempting to lead the second (i.e. Oromianist camp) are encouraging.

Then, last but not least, both Amhara/Ethiopianist “multinational” forces and Oromo/Oromianist national forces should learn to struggle together to achieve both Ethiopian/Horn unity and Oromian unity for the sake of their own economical common benefit and for the stability of the region/Horn. I hope the “multinational” forces like G-7 and the national forces like OLF take this as a common ground which can help them forge a necessary TIBIBIR (alliance) against the fascist Weyane to struggle in unison to build a common home in the Horn, where both Oromian unity and Ethiopian/Horn unity can be fostered and respected. The steps taken in forming both AFD and Medrek were good and now better form of Tibibir, which will be dedicated in promoting both Oromian unity and Ethiopian unity, must emerge!

Galatooma!

* Fayyis Oromia can be reached at fayyis@yahoo.de.

Oromo: Which Group of Ours Should Be Bigger? Region, Nation or Religion?

By Fayyis Oromia*

Thanks to Waaqayyoo/Rabbii, nowadays we do see a lot of Oromo nationalists who are advocates of tokkummaa for bilisummaa (unity for liberty) for we now know that tokkummaa Oromo is humna (power) of Oromo. But to achieve bilisummaa Oromo, tokkummaa is not the only virtue necessary. There are some others; few of which I would like to describe here. I did mention these other virtues in short form in one of my hitherto articles. Here, I would like to elaborate more, and specially, I would like to say a few words about the importance of understanding the relationship among the three important factors of our identity (region, nation and religion).


As far as tokkummaa, the most important virtue, is concerned, it is no more an optional means, but a must, if we really want to achieve bilisummaa. Tokkummaa Oromo is humna Oromo; only this humna Oromo can lead us to bilisummaa. So tokkummaa is not only a wish of Oromo (fe’ii Oromo), but really DIRQAMA Oromo (an obligation of Oromo) as written by Obbo Abdii Boruu. Bilisummaa Oromo is a common denominator for all Oromo nationalists in OFC, ULFO, OLF and even for the non-criminal nationalists in OPDO. After achieving bilisummaa, we can decide per referendum on the type of sovereignty we want to have (OFC’s goal of Oromian autonomy in the Ethiopian context or ULFO’s goal of Oromian independence or AFD’s goal of the union of independent nations in the region). I still think that there is no “ideological reason” which can hinder Oromo nationalists from fostering the very necessary tokkummaa for bilisummaa. Of course, our foes (both from the West and from the Weyane) give different “reasons” why our organizations are so “different” not to have this tokkummaa, and some fool individuals from the side of Oromo and some fool friends of Oromo just echo this manipulation of our foes.

Fortunately, the OLF-mindset, which is leading almost all Oromo nationalists in the above mentioned organizations, leads us step by step to the realization of our kaayyoo-Oromo (self-determination). This mindset:

- keeps the status quo from any setback being active in OPDO,
- wants to achieve our kaayyoo-toftaa/tactical goal (Oromian autonomy in Ethiopian context) being active in OFC,
- pushes further to achieve our kaayyoo-ijoo/CORE goal (Oromian independence) being active in ULFO and in the three factions of the explicit OLF,
- of course, it has already put in our mind that we also do have kaayyoo-tarsimoo/strategical goal after achieving independence, i.e. forging a union of independent nations in the region for the common benefit of the stakeholders in this globalized world.

Regarding the other few important virtues I wanted to describe here, it is good to concentrate only on the following ten important principles we need to practice to attain our bilisummaa. We can improve on them and then have them always in mind in order to live accordingly, and come to bilisummaa:

1. Oromo’s Interest
Oromo interest here means the interest of Oromo public, and a public interest is defined as follows:




“The public interest refers to the common well-being or general welfare. The public interest is central to policy debates, politics, democracy and the nature of government itself. While nearly everyone claims that aiding the common well-being or general welfare is positive, there is little, if any, consensus on what exactly constitutes the public interest. There are different views on how many members of the public must benefit from an action before it can be declared to be in the public interest: at one extreme, an action has to benefit every single member of society in order to be truly in the public interest; at the other extreme, any action can be in the public interest as long as it benefits some of the population and harms none. Put simply, to be in the public interest, a matter might have the potential to adversely affect any person at any time in their life in any situation if a core matter is not put into the public arena or handled in a more reasonable way when the problem clearly becomes evident as symptomatic of an underlying unreasonableness. It is possible for acts in the public interest to be bad for given individuals and vice versa. This definition allows us to hold constant private interests in order to determine those interests that are unique to the public.”

Accordingly, we, Oromo, need to identify what Oromo public interest is, and then devote ourselves to think, talk and walk always in the interest of the Oromo nation or in the interest of Oromia as well as we should be ready to always oppose those against our interests. The only ethics, which can show whether our action is right or wrong, is this “ethics of interest.” Every word and action of ours, which do serve our interest, is right and the contrary is wrong. Clear is that at the moment, when we are under slavery (garbummaa), our major public interest is bilisummaa.

2. Afaan Oromo
No question that language is a crucial element of national identity. Even in the European tradition, language has become a major marker of belonging to a particular ethnic or national group. Previous conflicts in Southeastern Europe, but also along regional borders in Western Europe – as in Catalunya or Corsica – have often revolved around issues of language. These conflicts have demonstrated that the reality in most European countries differs from the traditional image of linguistically homogeneous states and is further questioned by the demand for recognition by regional speakers who have become ethnic or regional minorities in this nation-state system. The same is true for Oromo that Afaan Oromo is the major marker of our identity. So, we need to promote Afaan Oromo by using it in speaking and writing always as well as we need to avoid temptations which make us to prefer other languages.

3. Amanti Oromo
The original amantii Oromo or waaqefannaa is nowadays accepted as the base for the monotheistic Abraham religions (Judaism, Islam and Christianity). It is a belief in One Waaqaa/Rabbii. If we look deeply, all God’s men, like Abraham, Mose, Yaqob, David, Jesus and Mohammad, were the best waaqefataas. This assertion requires a very detail discussion, which I don’t dare to do here. It is pity that in connection with our colonization, this original amantii is considered as inferior and even satanic. Waaqefannaa (believe in Waaqa and live as Waaqa wants) is not similar to waaqessuu (worship of idols or make idols be our “waaqa”). I don’t want to go in detail to describe what this original religion of Oromo is, but in short, it is the mother of the most respected Christianity and Islam. The Oromo people, who are the followers of both Abraham religions (Christianity and Islam), need to consider this, and at least learn to tolerate it. Politically correctness is that every Oromo individual can have his/her own chosen religion, but should learn to respect and tolerate the original religion-identity of our forefathers. So, we all need to study, advocate and promote amantii Oromoo aka waaqeffannaa as far as we can and we need to oppose those who try to denigrating it.

4. Dynamics in Tokkummaa
We have written a lot about the importance of tokkummaa Oromo for bilisummaa Oromo, so I would like to say, in short, that we need to attain and maintain tokkummaa Oromoo for bilisummaa as well as oppose all those who do sow a discord among Oromians. Of course, the tokkummaa we want to forge must be very dynamic and efficient to help us achieve our kaayyoo, i.e. bilisummaa.

5. Oromo Affiliation
Oromo is a big nation with different affiliations and diversities. We do have different regional, political and religious affiliations. As a plural society, we just need to respect the affiliation of all Oromo individuals and groups to their region, clan, party and religion as well as we need to oppose those who are playing with these diversities in order to instrumentalize them to divide the Oromo.

6. Biyya Oromo
Thanks to OLF, biyya Oromo (Oromoland) is already coined and demarcated (even though smaller than the true Oromia). With the sacrifice of our heroes and liberators, Oromia is now known around the world. Others like it or not, Oromia is now the central point for regional and continental powers of Africa. The liberated future Oromia will be the rock on which regional union of free nations and continental federation will be build. So now, we all Oromo need to have a picture of biyya Oromoo always in mind and struggle for its sovereignty as well as we need to oppose those who do act against our territorial sovereignty and national freedom.

7. Subboonummaa Oromo
Subboonummaa/nationalism involves a strong identification of one’s social identity with that of a nation or state. The subject can include the belief that one’s nation is of primary importance. It is also used to describe a movement to establish or protect a homeland (usually an autonomous state) for an ethnic group. In some cases, the identification of a homogeneous national culture is combined with a negative view of other races or cultures. Nationalism is sometimes reactionary, calling for a return to a national past, and sometimes, for the expulsion of foreigners. Other forms of nationalism are revolutionary calling for the establishment of an independent state as a homeland for an ethnic underclass. Nationalism emphasizes collective identity – a ‘people’ must be autonomous, united, and express a single national culture. Some scholars see the word “nationalism” as pejorative, standing in opposition to a more positive term patriotism. Here, subboonummaa Oromo must be the positive nationalism or patriotism. So, we need to be patriotic or love our fatherland and at the same time we need to have an understanding for other nations which do the same, but we should oppose those who do fight against our patriotism/sabboonummaa.

8. Oromo’s Excellence
Excellence is the state or quality of excelling in the fields like politics, business and organizations; excellence is considered to be an important value, and a goal to be pursued. So, we Oromo need to be individually excellent in our respective professions like our athlete Qananisaa Baqqalaa and our scientist Professor Gabbisaa Ejjetaa so that our own people, our region, our continent and the world will be proud of us, but, of course, we need to oppose those who do try to denigrate our heroes who live their potential of excellence.

9. Union with Neighbors
In the currently globalized world, it is not only national independence, which is considered as a virtue, but also regional union for common benefit. Nowadays, we do hear and read from scholars in the Ethiopian empire – who do say “Ethiopiawinet = Africawinet,” thus “should be promoted.” This is not wrong in case they are not trying to hide Habeshanet behind this Ethiopiawinet. But fact is that Africa will be united only if the nations like Oromo get their say. The future is for building African federation on the rock of Oromia as a sovereign nation. As far as these scholars don’t dare to dismantle Oromia, I would welcome their Afrikawinet rhetoric. No question that only union based on independent Oromia will be the solution for our problem in the Horn.

Talking about the possibility of achieving citizen’s or nation’s rights only in the current Ethiopian context is not a lasting solution. The name Ethiopia is already contaminated:
- according to the Greeks = land of blacks
- according to the Bible = land of Cush
- the status quo = current geography
- mask Ethiopia (both the old nefxenya and the new nefxenya aka Weyane are hiding behind this name)
- myth Ethiopia = “3000 years history of Abyssinia”

I think their understanding of Ethiopia is the mythical one, and they also seem to hide behind the name just as shown in the fourth definition. Oromo has no problem with the first three definitions. Independent Oromia can be the rock or foundation for the unification of all other free nations (which these scholars try to discard as vernaculars) in the region, be it under the name Ethiopia in a sense of the first three definitions or else. So, we Oromo need to support a possible union of free nations after Oromian independence, but we should oppose any “unity” which is at the cost of our liberty.

10. Promotion of Oromia
Last but not least, we need to do our best to promote Oromia culturally, economically and politically, but should oppose all sorts of foreign looters and oppressors in Oromia. We have to be very vigilant to check the xeqilaigizat-federalists, who want to dismantle Oromia, need to be very dynamic to fight against hegemonist Weyane, and should to be very constructive as well as productive to invest all we do have in promoting this new emerging land, biyya-Oromo.

Otherwise, to answer the question raised in the title, let us look at the short definition of a group: “A group is a collection or set of things. The things in a group often share a property or are similar in some way.” When we talk about a set, which is a mathematical concept, then we also can have in mind the subsets. Taking Oromo as a big group of people, we then surely perceive also the sub-groups. Here comes the conflict, when we look at the national group, regional groups, clan groups and religious groups and ask ourselves which one is the set and which ones are the subset.

I have got a personal experience in my own life. There was a time when I had a problem in identifying the big group from the sub-groups (set from subsets), to which I did belong. I asked myself: is my national group the set or the subset of my religion group or other way round is my religion group the set or the sub-set of my national group? There was a time when I considered my religion group to be the set, and the national groups in my religion like Amhara, Tigaru, Oromo and Gurage were the subsets. Accordingly, my loyalty was also more to my religion than to my nation.

In a process of the liberation struggle, I could observe that specially the Amhara and the Tegaru in my religion group were more loyal to their nation than to our religion. For them, we are first Ethiopians/Habesha (Amharic speakers), and then Christian, Islam or Waqeefata are the subsets of this national group Habasha (camouflaged as Ethiopia). Now, I do believe that our nation Oromo is the BIG-group (set) and religious groups like Christian Oromo, Muslim Oromo and Waaqefataa Oromo are the smaller-groups (sub-sets). If we believe like this, I am sure we will not be in loyalty conflict. Then comes our national identity, Oromummaa, as an identity of primary importance and religious identities as secondary.

Just as an example, let’s look at Oromo Christians who do prefer to have Habesha Christians as their NEXT-persons, rather than making a relationship with Oromo of other religions. They surely consider that their religion group is the bigger (set), and the nation group, Oromo, is the smaller one (subset). But the opposite is the step taken by our gootota (heroes) on 15th April 1980 as they were given a choice from their killers either to die or to be separated in to two as Christians and Muslims. Fortunately, they gave their national group (Oromummaa) the bigger position (set) and their religion group the smaller position (sub-set), and chose to say together “we are Oromo, we do belong to the same group” and, of course, with that they chose to die rather than to be divided. What great role models they are for us!

Regarding region and gosaa (clan), it is crystal clear that they are subsets to the bigger set, Oromo nation. I personally don’t see any confusion here why Oromo individuals and groups give a priority to their smaller groups like Hararge, Arsi, Wallgaa, etc. over their bigger group, Oromo nation. This is where some Oromo nationalists also make a mistake by “loving” their gandummaa (region) and gosummaa (clan) more than their Oromummaa (national patriotism). It is one of the mistakes which need to be corrected if we really want to forge tokkummaa for bilisummaa, regardless of our clan and region.

Nevertheless, again the natural affiliations we do have towards our respective regions, clans, parties and religions must be accepted as normal and tolerated by all of us so long as it is not against our Oromummaa. In short, our nation is the bigger group or the set (Oromummaa must be given the priority) and our region, clan, party and religion are the smaller groups or the subsets to be respected as a secondary priority. So, the problem we do have seems to be the priority setting regarding the importance of the different groups we do belong to, i.e. in answering the question: which of the groups is the most important? Nation? Region? Party? Clan? Religion? As far as I am concerned, having bilisummaa as our kaayyoo (goal) and, in order to promote our move to bilisummaa, our nation as a BIG group is the most important group, which deserves to be the set (the bigger group) and the others are the smaller groups (subsets) to be given only the secondary position.

Galatooma!

* Fayyis Oromia can be reached at fayyis@yahoo.de.